Friday 31 January 2020

BOOK REPORT: GOLIATH BY MATT STOLLER



GOLIATH: THE 100-YEAR WAR BETWEEN MONOPOLY POWER AND DEMOCRACY
I thought I would do a quick book report on Matt Stoller’s excellent history of monopoly capitalism in America over the last century. He makes what could be rather dry reading into a compelling narrative that weaves the politics of the early twentieth century with the major events of world wars, the Great Depression, the Baby Boomer generation, Reganomics, the Gulf Wars, presidencies of Bushes I &II, Bill Clinton, Obama and Trump. He brings to our attention the work of House of Representative Wright Patman who was first elected to congress in 1928. Matt outlines the politics and policies of previous administrations, as well as the rise of a business culture that promoted a rapacious form of capitalism which allowed for the creation of great corporate and financial empires whose sway over the production and sale of goods and services came with few controls over their growth as monopolistic entities. He gives fascinating biographies of such ‘titans of industry’ (aka “robber barons”), as John D. Rockefeller, J.P. Morgan and during the 1920s, Andrew Mellon in particular, whose aluminum monopoly (through Alcoa) controlled virtually every aspect of aluminum manufacturing in the country (aluminum was the “It" girl of metals, the new wonder product of modern American manufacturing and a vital component in everything from bombers to washing-machines.
Matt describes how Franklin Roosevelt came to power in the early 1930s, during the turmoil caused by the 1929 Stock Market crash and the growing Depression that afflicted much of the modern world, which in turn gave rise to dangerous political movements. Roosevelt's New Deal policies over his time in power did much to correct and rein in corporate rapaciousness. For example the famous Glass-Steagall Act of 1933 prevented banks from operating as both traditional banks and investment houses. The gradual erosion—and eventual evisceration of this financial “firewall”, during the Clinton presidency decades later—many cite as a major contributor to the “Great Recession” of 2007-8 where Americans lost an amount estimated in the trillions of dollars of their earned wealth, along with a massive wave of home foreclosures. Matt describes what was called “Mellonism”, named after the early Twentieth Century industrial magnate, and how Mellon strove to dominate not only the aluminum market but finance and banking as well. Mellon became Secretary of the Treasury during the 1920s and used his position to promote the growth of his own monopoly position and that of his fellow elites. Donald Trump is a piker compared to this billionaire grifter!

Wright Patman 1893-1976
As the title suggests, monopoly capitalism is the Goliath in the story while ‘David’ is portrayed by a House of Representative Texas politician named Wright Patman who waged a forty year struggle in congress against the power of giant corporations and their tendency to develop monopolistic control over their industries and markets. Patman, a Democratic representative on the important Banking and Currency Committee after 1963, brought in laws and amendments that sought to temper and modify corporate power, and arguably added to the maintenance of New Deal policies for several decades going forward.
One section I found particularly interesting is Matt’s description of the post-Vietnam induction into the Congress of the so-called “Watergate Babies”—a Democratic infusion of young, inexperienced House and Senate politicians who were determined to do things differently and make changes to the economy of the early 1970s which was tanking, and to change the political business-as-usual they saw as responsible for the war in Indo-China. As Stoller lays out his story, these idealistic new congressmen and congresswomen came with good intentions but were derailed in the decades ahead by the growth of a new business ethos that we now call “neo-liberalism”. Stoller outlines the growth of various think-tanks and the work by academics who promoted a form of capitalism that would gradually erode the checks and balances first established during the Roosevelt New Deal. Many of this new cohort of politicians ‘drank the neoliberal Kool-Aid’, so-to-speak, along with much of the media and the general public. Reaganomics was an outgrowth of this philosophy. "Morning in America", the Republican  president's famous slogan, indeed came, but it came mostly for the rich.
Ralph Nader b. 1934
One discussion I found fascinating was Matt's critique of the “consumer protection movement” of the 1960s and 70s, and its main proponent, Ralph Nader. I don’t think Matt is criticizing the elements of the movement that provided additional safety and protection for consumers, but he suggests that the movement’s emphasis on consumers (a word I’ve come to dislike when it takes the place of the word “citizen”) further eroded the traditional focus on small businesses, the ‘shop-keepers of the nation', who were central in many of the New Deal’s programs. The individual citizen AND small businesses were what mattered during Roosevelt's era—not the great corporations. Back then, the government acted to mitigate the impact corporations and the capitalist system had on citizen-workers.  “Consumerism”, on the other hand, added to the view that bigger was better, and that large systems were the venue for large, sweeping changes to be made effectively and efficiently. This emphasis on “efficiency” in today’s business world is one we hear all too often. And it's where small businesses became yesterday's news. Think: shopping malls, box stores and chain stores, and increasingly, on-line "One Stop" shopping. Convenience and efficiency, but at what cost? What price are we really paying for all those cheap plastic salad-shooters from China?
His details of changing governmental policies during those years, the under-girding of new views on the role of government, the role of central banks, the financialization of wealth and capital that we also hear more and more about today, are informative and well worth the read.
Today, Matt notes, there is little emphasis on regulating the size of corporations, either through monopoly and anti-trust legislation or even in seeing it as much of a problem. “Too Big To Fail” banks are an example of what happens as a result of the eroded checks and balances that in the past kept corporations to a size where freer competition can occur to everyone’s benefit. However, on a hopeful note, there is growing concern over the size and role of the current ‘Goliaths’—Google, Facebook and Amazon—and whether they need to be regulated more like public utilities. (Yes!)
Matt notes that because so much of the legislative work from the New Deal—continued and fought for in the decades following by Wright Patman and others—was overturned, particularly during the 1970s with the Watergate Babies and the rise of the neoliberal agenda under Reagan, and the later ‘corporatization’ of the Democratic Party under Clinton, many of the legal safeguards to rein in and regulate corporate power were gone. And Patman, increasingly isolated in his efforts,  would lose the Banking Committee Chair to an incoming "Baby" in 1975. He died a year later.
We have seen the results of these legislative changes: giant corporations (now they even have the legal identity of “persons”, due to the Citizens United Supreme Court decision a few years ago) have taken control of the media, manufacturing, agricultural, financial and banking sectors, etc., in the United States to the detriment of communities and citizens everywhere* (with neoliberal ‘free’ trade regimes and “globalization” practices of the corporate elites affecting the entire globe.) The 2007-8 economic crisis was a direct result of gutting such regulatory legislation. And the looming financial meltdown in the years ahead will also be as a result of repealing laws and regulations originating in the 1930s, laws that were safeguarded by politicians like Wright Patman until corporate power once more became ascendant. Capitalism, as Patman's work reminds us, is a force that must constantly be pushed back, else we fall beneath its wheels.
Matt recommends changes such as a return to more basic political ‘rules of engagement’ and, importantly, in educating future generations about the threats of monopoly capitalism.

On the YouTube news podcast The Rising, host Saajar Enjeti recently made a cogent and passionate argument for such necessary changes:
Saagar Enjeti

“They tell you that you’re stupid, and you’ve never taken an economics class, so you don’t know what you’re talking about. Who’s the actual stupid one? The smart person is the one who sits in their town and sees NAFTA get passed; sees the factory in their hometown leave, and sees everybody in that town suffer, lose their jobs, the opioid crisis, the destruction of the American family—all of this. Who’s the stupid one? Is it that person saying, ‘Hey, I want a little better trade policy for me and my family, and I want the government to help me out a little bit’. Or is it a Rick Wilson or one of these elite people telling you you’re better off because the TV in your living room is 8% cheaper than it was ten years ago. You tell me who the idiot is!”    
     


Couldn’t have said it better myself!

Cheers, Jake.



 *Including Canada. SW Ontario lost massive numbers of jobs, all going south to low-wage/regulation nations during these times due to globalization, for example.


 

Sunday 12 January 2020

ESSAY: An Examination of Several Editions Containing the Poem: "Madam, Withouten Many Words" by Sir Thomas Wyatt




MADAM, wthouten many words,
Once, I am sure, ye will or no.
And if ye will, then leave your bourds
And use your wit and shew it so,

And with a beck ye shall me call.
And if one that burneth always
Ye have any pit at all
Answer him fair with yea or nay.

If it be yea, I shall be fain.
If it be nay, friends as before.
Ye shall another man obtain,
And I mine own, and yours no more.

(Pub. 1815, Jones)

I began my bibliographic research by examining the Wyatt selection found in the 1992 edition of The New Oxford Book of Sixteenth Century Verse, edited by Emery Jones. I chose Wyatt partly for his remoteness in time and also because he has been called the first of the ‘English Petrarchans’. His place at the beginning of the renaissance of English literature was something I hoped to learn about. His appeal, for me, also came from his position as a diplomat in the court of Henry VIII and the fact that he was once the lover of Anne Boleyn. He died when he was thirty nine and I am thirty nine. I chose the specific Wyatt poem that Jones entitles: “Madam, withouten many words” (Jones, 74) because it was short, its syntax simple, and I felt I could readily make comparisons between it and any additional versions I uncovered.
I have outlined my initial entry into the world of bibliography and editing because I wish to make it clear that my approach to Wyatt was relatively naïve. I came to him with little knowledge of his background and even less of his work. I ‘picked’ him for reasons that might be similar to the reasons most readers pick from anthologies: because he was the same age as I am now when he died or because of his lover or the glamour of his life at court or because of his place in the world of literature. I came to him, then, as a typical reader would, with trust and confidence that in a modern edited anthology I would find the words of Wyatt as he wrote them. He would ‘speak’ to me from across centuries because I live in a world of technological wonders, where men and machines can be retrieved from the surface of the moon and television pictures can be transmitted back from another planet. Surely, in such an age, the challenge of retrieving mere words written on a page—even words written centuries earlier—should pale by comparison. I assumed that my research would provide me with a sense of continuity from the past to the present. What I found instead was that my research began and ended with editors.
In his Editorial Principles to the Oxford edition, Jones acknowledges that he uses “recent scholarly editions.” (p. xxxviii) for his source materials, and most of his anthology is based on contemporary research. For the Wyatt poem I am reviewing, Jones used a single source: Sir Thomas Wyatt The Complete Poems, edited by R.A. Rebholtz, a 1978 publication. (He used a second work by H.A. Mason for emendations made to one other Wyatt poem.)
In examining Rebholtz’s edition, I found in his notes detailing his source materials a statement of editorial principles and a statement in which he says that his “witnesses” (Rebholtz, 13) are listed in order of their importance, the first witness being the one he used as the copy text for his edition. (I will discuss his editorial principles in more detail later.) For this poem numbered XCVI in his edition, Rebholtz cites three sources: The Egerton MS; the Blange MS and Tottel’s Miscellany, edited by H.E. Rollins, 1965. The two manuscripts (MS) date circa 1537. Of these three source materials, I uncovered the following: Our University, here, has a copy (2 vols.) of the 1965 revised edition of Rollin’s 1928 edition of Tottel’s that Rebholtz cites. However, it is, in fact, a 1966 second printing of the revised 1965 edition. Of the two MSS that Rebholtz lists as his sources, the STC has neither on file.
[The Egerton MS is listed in the National Union Catalogue as being on file at the British Museum (Egerton MS 2711). Rebholtz’s notes state that the Blage MS is the property of Trinity College, Dublin (MS D.2.7, parts 2 and 3). As well, there is no microfilm of the original 1537 edition of Tottel’s listed in the STC]
My initial research had dead-ended. I had only a second printing of one source material and no MSS microfilm to examine. I had to either find another poem (or poet) whose source materials had more ‘depth’ to them, or else I could examine Wyatt’s poem from a variety of ‘angles’ and using a number of editions. I chose the latter course of action.
I returned to Jones’ primary source, Rebholtz, and reviewed his notes. He provided several additional names of researchers and editors, including a 1969 edition by Muir and Thompson (Collected Poems of Sir Thomas Wyatt). From Muir and Thompson, Rebholtz had included in his notes a possible sixteenth century source that Wyatt may have used for the basis of his poem—an Italian madrigal by Dragonetto Bonifacio, published in 1535.

I thought such information about possible source materials was interesting and, as well, I decided to research the other editors mentioned. I ordered Muir and Thompson’s Collected Poems from the Inter-Library Loan desk and awaited my copy eagerly. Meanwhile, I located editions by Nott and Foxwell and began to examine them. At the same time, however, I also noted, somewhat ironically, that Wyatt at the MS level remained distant from me still. And yet, while I was ‘seeing’ him through a number of different editorial perspectives, I nevertheless felt confident that I was getting a clear picture of him, however remote, for I trusted the knowledge and authority of my editors.
During this period, I read a brief biography of Wyatt by Sergio Baldi. From it, I got a portrait of an active courtier, a man of passion, yet an often melancholy man—one who aspired to a career in diplomacy but who was vulnerable to the whims of his sovereign. Baldi’s discussion of French and Italian influences in Wyatt’s work reminded me of the internationalism of Renaissance literary movements. His discussion of the influence that Petrarch had on Wyatt, and of Serifino’s pastorals and French madrigal forms, also reminded me that Wyatt was an educated, highly intelligent man, fluent in several languages, who had a literary career that was nevertheless secondary to his political one. As with most biographies, however, the sense of a neat package designed by hindsight left me unsatisfied, and I returned to my editions.

Up to this point, I had examined four different editions and found considerable discrepancies in punctuation, spelling and some verbal variants between, for example, Rebholtz’s 1978 edition and the Rollin’s 1966 Tottel’s. In contrast, I had noted only three variants between Rollins and the 1870 Tottel’s, edited by Edward Arber. Since, however, Rebholtz cited neither Tottel editions as the copy text source for his edition I didn’t yet form any opinion on such variants. I also noted that my original Jones’ edition, with which I had begun my research, varied only slightly from Rebholtz. (Jones, of course, had cited Rebholtz’s edition as his copy text source.) Jones varied from Rebholtz by the addition of punctuation and by including a title and publication date with his entry. His spelling, verse structure, capitalization and word choice were otherwise identical to Rebholtz. Again, the variants I did see I considered to be minor and decided to wait before forming an opinion on their significance. I should add here that I feel my reluctance to form an opinion on the variants I had noticed is a reaction that would probably be a typical one for most modern readers. The ‘gap’ between seeing variants and acting to understand their significance comes from the hidden assumption that most readers and authorities make, namely that authorities must know because they are authorities—a tautology that allows for the suspension of critical judgement on the part of the reader. I was in that ‘gap’ and didn’t know it.

With Foxwell’s edition, I came across a discrepancy that interested me. In her 1911 edition, she claims that Wyatt’s Miscellaneous Poem “9” (Foxwell, vol.1, 83) which is Jones’ “Madam withouten many words” had been written in imitation of a French douzaine by Mellin de S. Gelais. She provides the French work in her notes and suggests that Wyatt had used the poem from memory, rather than by direct translation (vol. 2, 87). I had previously read in Rebholtz that Muir and Thompson suggested an Italian source for Wyatt’s poem. I looked forward to their edition’s arrival so I could compare their findings with Foxwell’s. Meanwhile, I examined the Wilson catalogue to see if there were additional research works that might prove fruitful, and I found an article by Joost Daadler entitled, Are Wyatt’s Poems in Egerton MS2711 in Chronological Order?. This seemed an ideal paper to help me ‘get closer’ to Waytt and his MS. Daadler argues in favour of Foxwell’s assertion that the Egerton MS (E) is, in fact, a compilation of Wyatt’s work that is ordered chronologically. E (apparently) begins in one scribal hand, changes to another, and has later entries in Wyatt’s own hand and poems corrected by him, as well. As I hadn’t access to MS microfilms and couldn’t judge the validity of such an argument, however appealing, I finished the article with the idea that I would review my editions in terms of their ordering practices and see where my poem fit in.
Jones, of course, has a sample ‘picking’ from Rebholtz. Rebholtz, on the other hand, when deciding on his ordering practice, utilized the MS but arranged his edition “by genres” (Rebholtz, 15). Within each genre grouping Rebholtz further elaborates on his ordering scheme by arranging the poems with “known sources in foreign languages before those without known sources.” (15) He justifies this practice by stating such an arrangement would be helpful to readers who were interested in “translation and imitation” (15) of poems from foreign sources. Foxwell, who claims to work directly from the MS, also groups Wyatt’s poems by genre (rondeaus, sonnets, epigrams, etc.). Tottel’s Miscellany is similarly not ordered from E. (My source of MS order is, unfortunately, not the original MS but Foxwell’s table in vol. 2, 389-94.)

At this point, I had my first clear impression of the power of the editorial hand in shaping literary works. Wyatt, dead for fifteen years, had his work compiled in the first edition of the 1557 Tottel’s in an order that did not reflect his MS, as best as I can currently determine, even though evidence suggested (from Foxwell and Daadler) that E contained a series of completed poems transcribed into good copy. My point is that from the first editor onward decisions made concerning the ordering of Wyatt’s poems were based on individual editors’ preferences and not on the MS.
Nott’s 1815 edition is an elegantly designed and bound volume, and it too ignores MS authority with respect to order. Nott also employs Tottel’s practice of providing each poem with a title. Both Tottel’s 1870 and 1966 editions use the title: “To a ladie to answere directly with yea or nay” for Wyatt’s poem. Rollins comments that, in the 1557 edition, it is “practically certain” (Rollins, vol. 2, 98) that the titles were “editorial insertions” (vol.2, 98). In the MS, of course, the poems are untitled. (I base this information on Ewald Flugel’s 1896 transcription of E published in the German periodical, Anglia that I later reviewed.) Subsequent editions either follow Tottel’s titling formula or else they use first lines as titles. Others use some form of a numbering system. According to Flugel, and as far as I can determine from photographic plates provided in Muir and Thompson, the only ‘title’ that is used in E is a scribal lettering system that indicates the poem; it is a single entry: “1 entar” (Flugel, 31).
I began to ask myself questions concerning the variants I had found in the various editions: Why are there discrepancies between editions? Why should Tottel and Foxwell, for example, present Wyatt’s poem in a single stanza while Nott, Muir and Thompson and the rest present it in a three-stanza, four-lines-per-stanza format? What was I to make of the numerous variations in punctuation, spelling, capitalization, word choice and titles between editions? I turned to a second article by Daadler for some suggestions, “Major Errors in Transcription in Recent Editions of Wyatt’s Poetry” from an ANQ quarterly publication. In his article, Daadler mentions discrepancies he had found in Rebholtz’s transcription of E that Rebholtz said was his copy. Daadler suggests these errors might stem from Rebholtz’s use of Muir and Thompson as his copy text in some instances rather than Eas he claims he’s used. Daadler also cites instances where there are difficulties in transcription, which are understandable when dealing with MS. He also makes mention of errors he had discovered in two other modern editions. In an ensuing ANQ article, Rebholtz responds to Daadler’s criticisms, arguing his own claims, acknowledging some faults, finding fault in turn with Daadler’s own edition, and ends his article with a comment I found interesting concerning punctuation and spelling. He says that “accidentals of punctuation and spelling are so important that at times they determine substantive readings.” Rebholtz, ANQ, 150) He was referring to Daadler’s own system of punctuation and spelling that he used in transcribing Wyatt’s poems, but the point I felt was so important was the fact that both editors were arguing in favour of their own interpretations of Wyatt. They argued for their own systems of modernized spelling and punctuation. And my thoughts here were: but what of Wyatt? Where is he in all this dialogue? Their focus was not on authentically representing Wyatt’s poetry but rather who could best ‘dot the I’s and cross the t’s’ in their modern versions of the sixteenth century poet’s work.
Daadler says, of his own punctuation, that it is “editorial and modern” (Daadler, Collected Poems, xxv). His text is “modernized, and consistently so” (xxv). He states that his aim “has been to make W accessible to today’s readers by modernizing the text and punctuating it, but otherwise to be faithful to the best primary sources.” (xxvi). He states elsewhere that a “primary source can be deciphered reliably only if the original is consulted.” (Some Major Errors, ANQ, 69). There are some obvious contradictions here. On the one hand he promotes alterations to original texts to suit modern tastes, and on the other he seems to say that in order to understand a text, the original needs to be consulted. Apparently, he alone will consult the original and let us know what was said. The question is: Why should the reader take his word for it? Judging from the number of errors each editor claims the other has made in respective editions, the reader is far from impressed with so-called editorial ‘authority’. It seems that the editorial hand must first act to fashion the text in its own image.

I still awaited Muir and Thompson in order to review their Bonifacio source claim. In the meantime, I turned to Rollins’ 1966 Tottel’s with the assumption that I would find more consistency in textual transmission within the publication. Rollins provided much fascinating information as to the history of the publication but one of his most telling comments came in his review of the 1557 edition of Tottel’s. The editor, claims Rollins, was prone to “count syllables and accents on his fingers and thus make the verses regular.” (Rollins, vol.2, 94) He cites the passage from poem 39: It originally began: “There was neuer file half so well filed” But because Tottel felt the verse to be too irregular he changed it to: “Was neuer file yet half so well yfiled.”
Such  a practice, Rollins rightly states, is unfair to Wyatt. Yet Rollins, on the next page says:

“On the whole, then, the editor’s sins against Wyatt are counterbalanced by his benefactions. He did Wyatt a good turn in making him suitable for popular taste, and whether good or bad, his text spread Wyatt’s name and influence abroad.”  (96)

From Tottel, to Nott and Foxwell; from Rollins and Daadler to Muir and Thompson and Rebholtz and Jones, time and again we read how editorial policies and practices are for the good of ‘spreading the word to the masses’. But they are all variations on the same theme—each purports to know best how to present Wyatt to the public: through transcriptions, through original spellings but with modern punctuation; through modern spellings and modern punctuation; through ‘sensible’ interpretations; through elaborate collations and so on. My feelings on the matter are that when one editor presents one interpretation, there is room for neither error nor debate. But when ten thousand readers present ten thousand interpretations, then there is room for error and debate—and understanding and consensus.
I still awaited Muir and Thompson (MT). When it arrived, I opened it anticipating an analysis of Wyatt’s Italian source poem. I hoped to get more of a sense of the original Wyatt from reading about how he was influenced by Bonifacio’s poem. MT included a copy of the poem and a note stating that the Wyatt source had been identified by Joel Newman in a 1957 Renaissance News article. It seemed that I needed, once again, to go further afield in order to get closer to Wyatt, to yet another interpreter. I felt further from him than when I started my research. Perhaps though, that only meant that I was more aware of the real distance that exists between Wyatt and me, and that this distance was imposed, unnecessarily, by the editors I’d encountered.
MT had two or three photographic plates from E but none containing my poem. I felt the need to see the original and decide for myself. In yet another edition (this one by Muir) I ran across a reference to a transcription of E. This was as close as I would get at this point, and so I accessed the Robarts’ Library and found the Flugel article from an 1896 copy of the German publication Anglia (I later discovered that Harrier had published (1975) a transcription of Wyatt’s work, which I believe is located in the Erindale Library. It would be interesting to compare the two transcriptions for variants.) And so, I sat down to examine the transcription.
If it is accurate, then Rebholtz’s editorial policy is egregiously obvious (not forgetting that he himself uses E as his copy text). While he bases his text on E, he modernizes spelling, punctuation and capitalization to suit his editing practices: There are seven punctuation, twenty-one spelling and ten capitalization variants—all within a twelve-line poem! But the most  interesting variant I found is one that also subtly reflects the larger problem of the poet as he attempts to speak out to the reader through his ‘interpreters’. In lines 8 and 9 of Flugel’s transcription the word “yea” is square bracketed. In Flugel’s note (and in MT’s notes p. 298) it is indicated that this is, in the MS, actually an ampersand: “&”. MT speculates that this symbol, “&” actually stands for a nod—literally as a silent affirmation. Presumably it is to be read not as “yea” but rather it is to be represented by a gesture—the nodding of the head. (And yet, MT publishes the poem using “yea” not the “&”!) The fact that Flugel transcribes this ampersand as a “[yea]” would seem to indicate that, he too, felt this was the ‘correct’ interpretation of the MS symbol.

Thus Wyatt, in his MS, has indicated a silence*. Yet modern editions, even transcriptions, invariably record it as a spoken word, and only rarely do they consider it necessary to even footnote this variant from MS. 
Wyatt the poet asks us to read his poem and in two places, he asks us to be silent. Yet, in the space of Wyatt’s silences, we feel it is necessary to place our voices. In a sense, Wyatt is asking us, from the distance of four hundred years, to listen, and instead we continue to speak.




Appendix
One point I neglected to mention in the body of my essay was Jones’ use of a publication date for “Madame withouten”, which he gives as 1815. He records this at the end of the poem but he provides no source. I can only assume, at this point, that he got this date from Rebholtz, who was his copy text source. However, in Rebholtz I found no reference to publication dates. This may have been an oversight on his part, and I can only speculate on the significance of this date: If Rebholtz had provided Jones with a date of publication—and it was accurate—it might mean that “Madame withouten” remained in MS until 1815 and was subsequently published, possibly in the Nott edition that came out that year. Possibly there was another edition published in 1815 (perhaps a Tottel’s reprint?) and this, then, is what Jones, as well as Rebholtz, refers to. It would be interesting to compare microfilm of the 1557 first edition of Tottel’s with subsequent editions of the anthology to see if there is consistency in its content. The 1870 edition has “Madam withouten”. The 1966 edition, edited by Rollins, has a listing comparing variants between the first and second editions of the 1557 Tottel’s that might shed some light on content, but, of course, this is at second hand.

My initial impression was that Wyatt’s poem had been printed originally in the first Tottel’s because of its position early on in the MS (as I speculated earlier, from the MS list provided in Foxwell’s 1911 edition). It seems somewhat more likely that anyone publishing a group of poems would ‘leave out’ poems toward the end of a MS rather than ones nearer the beginning.
Here, I am reminded of another point I should have mentioned with regard to anthology content of the various editions. Various editors chose to include some poems and leave others out. In the study of Wyatt’s MSS, there is debate over authorship of a number of poems. In Flugel’s transcription (if it can be relied upon), there are no indications which poems are Wyatt’s and which are by some other writer. This is perhaps one reason that editors felt it was necessary to edit poems out of their various anthologies over the years, as debate over particular poems gave rise to new interpretations of authorship.
Finally, if, in fact, “Madame withouten” was published in 1815—for the first time—then the deviations from MS (as I can determine from Flugel’s transcription) have had only 180 years to develop, versus 450. We might then be grateful to have had a reprieve of an additional century or two from the editorial hand.
   



Works Cited
Baldi, Sergio, Sir Thomas Wyatt. Longmans Green and Co. London, 1961.

Daadler, Joost, ed. Sir Thomas Wyatt Collected Poems. Oxford University Press. London, 1975.

-----. “Are Wyatt’s Poems in Chronological Order in the Egerton MS 2711?”, English Studies, 69 (June, 1988), 67-72.

-----. “Some Major Errors in Transcription in Recent Editions of Wyatt’s Poetry.” ANQ, nsl (April, 1988), 67-72.

Foxwell, A.K., ed., The Poems of Sir Thomas Wyatt, 2 vols. Russel and Russel Inc. New York, 1964.

Jones, Emery, ed., The New Oxford Book of Sixteenth Century Verse, Oxford University Press. Oxford, 1992.

Muir, K., ed. The Collected Poems of Sir Thomas Wyatt. Routledge and Kegan, Paul Ltd. London, 1949.

Muir, K. and P. Thompson, eds., The collected Poems of Sir Thomas Wyatt, Liverpool University Press. Liverpool, 1969.
Nott, George, ed., The Works of Henry Howard Earl of Surrey and of Sir Thomas Wyatt the Elder. Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme and Brown, Paternoster-Row. London, 1816.

Rebholtz, R.A., ed., Sir Thomas Wyatt The Complete Poems, Penguin Books. New York, 1978.

Tottel’s Miscellany, ed., Edward Arber. English Reprints. London, 1870.

-----. ed. Hyder Rollins. 2 vols. Harvard University Press, 1966.

Flugel, Ewald, “Die Hndschriftliche Uberlieferung Der Gedichte Bon Sir Thomas Wyatt” in Anglia, Band XVIII. Neue Folge Band VI. Halle A.S. Berlin, 1896
…..
Professor’s Comments:
Don McDonnell March 18, 1993 Dear Don,
I thought this was a most sensitive paper. Sensitive to the question of who and what "Wyatt" is, and sensitive to the question of who we are when we go looking for him
it was a wonderful performance, drawing on your great strengths of irony and detailed observations, you have a nice mix of Chaucerian naive narrator and outspoken critic.
There is a competition among student essays for an English Department prize. I would like to recommend yours to go ahead to the competition. is that OK with you?
Randy. 88 [Grade]
..........






OKAY. IF YOU'VE GOT THIS FAR AND HAVEN'T BECOME COMPLETELY LOST in the weeds, you’re definitely a geek! I wrote this essay ages ago at university and thought I would dust off the mimeograph machine and roll out a copy for your amusement. It was written when the internet was just a tiny baby (versus its big-baby status today) and I was using pen and paper, and the high technology of a word-processor to write it up. How times have changed!
I just typed "Madam, Withouten Many Words" by Sir Thomas Wyatt into a google search and got waaay too many references that, before, I had to spend days searching through library stacks and  reference shelves looking for research materials and copy variants, typographical notations, MS transcriptions, etc., as I’ve outlined in my essay that you’ve, of course, read and absorbed.  I also include [above] the digitalized photocopy originals that went with it, in all their adorable, old-school cut and paste glory.

I liked the fun that I had doing this paper—the freedom to just delve into something, I guess. It’s a nostalgia trip for me: Boomer Goes to University (Again); you’ve seen the movie. But I posted it because it’s a reminder of what I was discussing earlier about  “truth” and how we arrive at it. (Carefully. Openly. Respectfully.)
This old essay was another search for truth: looking at someone’s words and trying to understand what they mean, and how time (and editors!), as well as changes in society and language alter our perceptions of them. The use of a particular word, "yea" (or more to the point, that word’s absence), the logic of its message; its appeal (or not), and in the poem as a whole, its tone,  rhetorical flourishes, narrative voice, imagery, presumed audience and so on, are part of truth’s ‘framework’—a concretization of thought and emotion in poetic form. Thus, in reading Wyatt's poem, we allow its shape and construction to inform us of its truths.
But poems, like anything, can be co-opted or deformed, and their truths can be altered (it happens all the time) whether they’re four hundred years old or four. 
For example, in the recent publication of "Madam withouten" on the Poetry Foundation (PF) website, I note that the site replaces the word “yea” with “&[.]”
And, well…nice try, but I checked online for a photographic image of the Egerton MS that I mention in my essay. (Egerton, BTW refers to a library collection held at the British Museum.) I went to Luminarium.org after a quick google search and found that the transcription used by the PF folks, doesn’t seem to jive with the original MS. 


As you can see here in Luminarium's manuscript photo, the “Eggerton MS 2711, f. 24V.”, there are no periods inside of curly brackets to replace Wyatt’s naughty “yea” that PF uses. Furthermore, PF seems to be using the ampersand “&” grammatically, to stand in for the determiner "a" in line 8, as in: "Answer him fair with a {.} or nay." [see below] But, in line 9, the “&” is followed by a comma sign which makes even less sense, gramatically or otherwise! It confusingly reads: "If there be a, {.} or nay".  Hardly poetic, and I assume the insertion of the comma is what we moderns call a "typo". But, from the Egerton MS photo we can see that in neither line does Wyatt use "a" before his "&".  He just uses the ampersand  "&". Methinks there be editors lurking about the field. Beware!

1 Madam, withouten many words
2   Once I am sure ye will or no ...
3 And if ye will, then leave your bourds
4   And use your wit and show it so,
5 And with a beck ye shall me call;
6   And if of one that burneth alway
7 Ye have any pity at all,
8   Answer him fair with & {.} or nay.
9 If it be &, {.} I shall be fain;
10  If it be nay, friends as before;
11Ye shall another man obtain,
12   And I mine own and yours no more.

(Poetry Foundation version. Line numbering mine. Ed.)

A further complication—for me at least—is that I don’t know anything about Luminarium. I don’t think their Egerton MS  is the same as the one that is at the beginning in my original essay—it looks too ‘cleaned up’. And--full dislosure--in reviewing the Egerton MS photograph from my 1993 essay, I can't really read it. Maybe when I originally viewed the MS copy at my university's reference library I could read it properly. Now I can't. I also note that in my original MS photocopy there are no identifying reference numbers to check  to see if it's the same MS page as Luminarium's. Too bad, that would have been helpful. So Luminarium's photograph must do as the real deal for our purposes. Is their version accurate? Does it represent Wyatt’s ‘good copy'? I don’t know for certain. Nevertheless, "a" does not appear in either line.
And, again I note with a sigh, the word “yea” has been put into the transcribed poem, which they provide underneath the photo of the original MS on their website. [They also have alternate version of the title for the originally untitled MS version.] Annoyingly, they use a 1898 source publication (Yeowell) that I somehow missed in my original essay. I’m just glad the prof didn’t wise up to my omission!   

THE LADY TO ANSWER DIRECTLY WITH
 
YEA OR NAY.

           MADAM, withouten many words,
          Once I am sure you will, or no :
          And if you will, then leave you bourds,1
          And use your wit, and shew it so,
          For, with a beck you shall me call ;
          And if of one, that burns alway,
          Ye have pity or ruth 2 at all,
          Answer him fair, with yea or nay.
          If it be yea, I shall be fain ;
          If it be nay—friends, as before ;
          You shall another man obtain,
          And I mine own, and yours no more.      
                 

            1 Jests or tricks.         2 Compassion.


Source:
Yeowell, James, Ed. The Poetical Works of Sir Thomas Wyatt.
London: George Bell and Sons, 1904. 178.



(Luminarium.org version.)


Anne Boleyn 1501-1536
Henry VIII 1491-1547
What's the point in worrying about all this? Why does it matter? Well, I think it's important to understand how words, ideas, meanings and so on change over time, and how we as readers view text today. Modern editors put in the word "yea" for obvious reasons of readability and grammar, and heck, I like Luminarium's version just fine--but we still lose that context of what his words meant for him and for his readers; something is lost in translation. We all  know what Wyatt is saying. Today we can freely say and write the word "yea" or "yes" without fear of censure (or losing our heads!) And that's a good thing. But his silences should speak to us as well.
Along with images and photographs, I think words have become cheap, today. Digital technologies have made scribing (like this) and the wide disseminination of text a relatively easy task. And that comes with a cost....
Finally, my bug-a-boo about replacing two silent "yeas" with spoken ones over the course of a few centuries—the main reason I had for researching Wyatt's poem in the first place!—still stands. Is that a {.} or nay?
 
Cheers, Jake.



* Wyatt's silence may have a lot to do with court politics and royal serial killer Henry VIII's habit of lopping off the heads of those who run afoul of him--especially those who might want to sleep with his mistress! "Madam" in the poem may be a reference to Anne Boleyn.  (O, those lusty English!)